Mon filh, demòres pas aquí,
Mon filh, l’òme que ven es l’enemic.
Mon filh, sus son espatla i a un fusilh,
Mon filh, demòres pas aquí.
Non ! Paire te compreni pas,
Ieu tanben un jorn serai soldat.
Ieu amb aquel òme vòli jogar,
Daissa-me paire, te’n fagues pas.
Mon filh, demòres pas aquí,
Mon filh, daissa ta feda, vai morir
Mon filh, tes darrers pas a respartir,
Mon filh, per un mestièr vai te’n d’aquí.
Non ! Paire, te comprèni pas,
D’èsser pastre m’agrada plan
E vòli viure sul Larzac,
La tèrra es nòstra, sabes plan.
Mon filh, demòres pas aquí,
Mon filh, ta maire t’espèra per partir.
Mon filh, siám totes en exilh,
Mon filh, l’armada vòl tuar ton país.
Non! Paire te comprèni pas,
An dich qu’èran aquí per nos sauvar.
An dich qu’anavem totes profitar,
An dich que sabon e que nosautres sabem pas.
Mon filh, i a fòrça temps es arrivat,
L’armada es venguda colonisar.
E dempuèi de veire que nos an pas tuats
Non filh, vòlon tornar començar.
Oc! Oc, paire, te comprèni plan,
Mas alara cal demorar.
Cal tanben tornar començar,
Caçar lo sòmi, prendre lo pas.
Mon filh, vèni amb ieu,
Dire a ta maire que demoram.
Cal demorar, cal demorar,
Cal demorar, cal demorar.
Mon filh, l’òme que ven es l’enemic.
Mon filh, sus son espatla i a un fusilh,
Mon filh, demòres pas aquí.
Non ! Paire te compreni pas,
Ieu tanben un jorn serai soldat.
Ieu amb aquel òme vòli jogar,
Daissa-me paire, te’n fagues pas.
Mon filh, demòres pas aquí,
Mon filh, daissa ta feda, vai morir
Mon filh, tes darrers pas a respartir,
Mon filh, per un mestièr vai te’n d’aquí.
Non ! Paire, te comprèni pas,
D’èsser pastre m’agrada plan
E vòli viure sul Larzac,
La tèrra es nòstra, sabes plan.
Mon filh, demòres pas aquí,
Mon filh, ta maire t’espèra per partir.
Mon filh, siám totes en exilh,
Mon filh, l’armada vòl tuar ton país.
Non! Paire te comprèni pas,
An dich qu’èran aquí per nos sauvar.
An dich qu’anavem totes profitar,
An dich que sabon e que nosautres sabem pas.
Mon filh, i a fòrça temps es arrivat,
L’armada es venguda colonisar.
E dempuèi de veire que nos an pas tuats
Non filh, vòlon tornar començar.
Oc! Oc, paire, te comprèni plan,
Mas alara cal demorar.
Cal tanben tornar començar,
Caçar lo sòmi, prendre lo pas.
Mon filh, vèni amb ieu,
Dire a ta maire que demoram.
Cal demorar, cal demorar,
Cal demorar, cal demorar.
Contributed by adriana - 2018/7/12 - 12:33
Language: Italian
Traduzione italiana / Italian translation / Traduction italienne / Traduçon italiana / Italiankielinen käännös: Riccardo Venturi
16-07-2018 20:41
16-07-2018 20:41
Larzac, agosto 1973.
CANZONE DEL LARZAC
Figlio mio, non restare qui,
Figlio mio, l'uomo che viene è il nemico.
Figlio mio, ha un fucile in spalla,
Figlio mio, non restare qui.
No! Babbo, non ti capisco,
Anch'io un giorno sarò soldato.
Io con quell'uomo voglio giocare,
Lasciami, padre, non ti inquietare.
Figlio mio, non restare qui,
Figlio mio, lascia il tuo gregge, morirà
Figlio mio, condividendo i tuoi ultimi passi,
Figlio mio, per un mestiere vattene via di qui.
No! Babbo, non ti capisco,
Fare il pastore mi piace assai
E voglio vivere sul Larzac,
La terra è nostra, e lo sai bene.
Figlio mio, non restare qui,
Figlio mio, tua madre ti aspetta per partire.
Figlio mio, siamo tutti in esilio,
Figlio mio, l'esercito vuole uccidere il tuo paese.
No! Babbo, non ti capisco,
Hanno detto che erano qui per salvarci,
Hanno detto che ne avremmo profittato tutti,
Hanno detto che sanno e che noialtri non sappiamo.
Figlio mio, già tanto tempo fa
L'esercito è venuto a colonizzare,
E avendo visto che non ci hanno ammazzati,
Figlio mio, vogliono ricominciare.
Sí! Padre, ti capisco bene,
Ma allora bisogna restare.
Bisogna anche noi ricominciare,
Inseguire il sogno e avviarci.
Figlio mio, vieni con me
A dire a tua madre che restiamo.
Bisogna restare, bisogna restare,
Bisogna restare, bisogna restare.
Figlio mio, non restare qui,
Figlio mio, l'uomo che viene è il nemico.
Figlio mio, ha un fucile in spalla,
Figlio mio, non restare qui.
No! Babbo, non ti capisco,
Anch'io un giorno sarò soldato.
Io con quell'uomo voglio giocare,
Lasciami, padre, non ti inquietare.
Figlio mio, non restare qui,
Figlio mio, lascia il tuo gregge, morirà
Figlio mio, condividendo i tuoi ultimi passi,
Figlio mio, per un mestiere vattene via di qui.
No! Babbo, non ti capisco,
Fare il pastore mi piace assai
E voglio vivere sul Larzac,
La terra è nostra, e lo sai bene.
Figlio mio, non restare qui,
Figlio mio, tua madre ti aspetta per partire.
Figlio mio, siamo tutti in esilio,
Figlio mio, l'esercito vuole uccidere il tuo paese.
No! Babbo, non ti capisco,
Hanno detto che erano qui per salvarci,
Hanno detto che ne avremmo profittato tutti,
Hanno detto che sanno e che noialtri non sappiamo.
Figlio mio, già tanto tempo fa
L'esercito è venuto a colonizzare,
E avendo visto che non ci hanno ammazzati,
Figlio mio, vogliono ricominciare.
Sí! Padre, ti capisco bene,
Ma allora bisogna restare.
Bisogna anche noi ricominciare,
Inseguire il sogno e avviarci.
Figlio mio, vieni con me
A dire a tua madre che restiamo.
Bisogna restare, bisogna restare,
Bisogna restare, bisogna restare.
Language: English
English translation / Traduzione inglese / Traduction anglaise / Traduçon anglesa / Englanninkielinen käännös: Riccardo Venturi
17-07-2018 22:04
The Fight for the Larzac refers to a non-violent civil disobedience action by farmers resisting the extension of an existing military base on the Larzac plateau in South Western France. The action lasted from 1971 to 1981, and ended in victory for the resistance movement when the newly elected President François Mitterrand formally abandoned the project.
The base, used for training French soldiers, was originally established in 1902 on 3,000 hectares (7,400 acres; 12 sq mi) of uncultivated heathland. Michel Debré, Minister of Defence in the Georges Pompidou administration, announced that the base would be extended to 13,700 hectares (34,000 acres; 53 sq mi) and that the necessary land would be expropriated in the public interest.
An initial informal resistance movement was formed by 103 landowners whose land was subject to expropriation. In 1973 their cause was taken up by a much larger group of heterogeneous activists, predominantly left wing, and numbering up to 100,000. This activist group descended on the Larzac in support of the peasant landowners and extended the protest to a more general action against what they saw as the militarism of the Pompidou government.
This action, once it had achieved its focal aims on the Larzac, was the core of what then became the Anti-Globalism movement, and also served to bring to public attention leaders such as Lanza del Vasto, José Bové, and the late Guy Tarlier.
On 11 October 1970, during a session of the Union des démocrates pour la république (UDR) (Union of democrats for the Republic), André Fanton, secretary of state for defence, gave the first hint that the base would need to be extended. Le Monde of 6 March 1971 quoted Deputy Delmas, then campaigning for election to UDR, as saying "The extension of the military base is doubtless the last chance for survival of the town of Millau." Millau (IPA: [mijo],) at the Northern edge of the Larzac plateau, is today world-famous for its spectacular viaduct over the river Tarn. In 1971 it was chiefly known to French families for its sheepskin glove industry in decline and its infuriating traffic jams. Popular resistance to the proposal for the military base was immediately evident. On 28 October 1971, Defence Minister Michel Debré made the formal announcement in a televised interview. The base was to be extended from 3,000 to 17,000 hectares (30 to 170 square kilometers). Land would be expropriated from 107 farms in 12 communes centred on the small town of La Cavalerie. The extended base would form one sixth of the total area (100,000 hectares) of the Larzac itself. In subsequent commentary, Debré pointed out that the project would be "not only vital to the national defence", but would have "a positive impact" on the region. He cited improvement of the rural electrical distribution system, water supply, and roadways. He stated that the extension was necessitated by saturation of French military bases in general, and the need to maintain a military force in proximity to the Plateau d'Albion, launch site of ground-ground ballistic nuclear missiles which formed an important element of the French nuclear deterrent .
It was argued by the authorities that the Larzac plateau was very thinly populated, having been substantially depopulated by the so-called "rural exodus", losing two thirds of its population between 1866 and 1968, although since 1968 population had begun to increase due to the "neo-rural" movement. Sheep herders and producers of Roquefort cheese, the most famous product of the region, denied that the project would be a net boost for employment because, as a training camp, it would attract only temporary inhabitants. They were also sceptical of the promised economic benefits. André Fanton made his attitude clear in a public speech:
The first notable demonstration took place on 6 November 1971 at Millau. Some 6,000 people assembled in the Place du Mandarous. At this point the movement was still local, but it attracted a fairly wide spectrum of participants. The core group were members of long-established and deeply rooted peasant families, but there were also many younger farming families, new to the area and heavily in debt to the Crédit Agricole bank which had financed their acquisition and exploitation of land. Many of these relative newcomers belonged to the quasi-religious organisation Jeunesse Agricole Catholique (Young Catholic Farmers.) Institutional religion was influential in reconciling the many divergent views at this point. Notably, on 7 November 1971 the bishop of Rodez (the Departmental seat of government) announced his opposition to the base extension.
There was sufficient unanimity, at any rate, for 103 of the 107 people potentially threatened with expropriation to sign a formal contract on 28 March 1972. The contract expressed solidarity and declared that not a single farmer would be dispossessed against his will. This was the "Oath of the 103."
A further demonstration took place the following 14 July, the national holiday, in Rodez. 20,000 people and 70 tractors participated. The slogan Gardarem lo Larzac began to appear all across the region. It means, loosely, "The Larzac is ours", and significantly it's written in Occitan, the ancient language of Languedoc which is not used commercially but is cherished by a militant minority.
Suddenly, the defiant peasant resistance to militarism became a flagrant political cause célèbre. Left-wingers of all types took up the cause. Socialists, Communists, and Trade Union militants appeared in Millau and in the villages of the Larzac noisily adding their support to a movement that had originally been declared apolitical. To these were added Occitanian Nationalists, protesting what they saw as cultural genocide by a colonial power. Further complicating the situation, a rag-tag assortment of hippies and drop-outs attached themselves to the resistance movement, together with protesters whose motives seemed very remote from the interests of sheep husbandry - pro-choice feminists, for example. Writing in Le Monde (25 August 1973), Michel Castaing described the Larzac as "The shop window of protest".
This phase of the protest movement culminated in the first mass rally, on 25/26 August 1973, at Rajal del Guorp (the name means 'Crow Springs' in occitan,) a natural dolomitic amphitheatre northwest of La Cavalerie. The location is inside the perimeter of the existing military base, and so holding the rally there was an act of defiance in itself. Between 60,000 and 100,000 people (the latter figure claimed by the organisers) assembled to show their support, in a remote site entirely devoid of facilities for refreshment and hygiene. The event attracted worldwide attention—speakers at the rally included representatives of revolutionary movements in Chile, Italy, and Greece. Two members of the Irish Republican Army expressed their solidarity with the peasants of the Larzac, and declared support for resistance "by whatever means are necessary." Police surveillance at this rally was minimal, with a single Gendarmerie helicopter overhead.
A second mass rally at Rajal del Guorp took place a year later, 17/18 August 1974. This time the organisers claimed even more than 100,000 protesters. François Mitterrand made an appearance, and was pelted with pebbles by militant Maoists.
Since they happened in mid-summer, at the height of the tourist season, these and other gatherings inevitably had something of the atmosphere of festivals, regardless of the seriousness of their intent. Musical instruments and topless young women were much in evidence, and commemorative T-shirts quickly appeared in local markets. A few concerts were organised, such as that by Graeme Allwright in 1973. Allwright later wrote a song entitled Larzac 1975. Even José Bové referred to those rallies with some pride as "the French Woodstock", but he also recognised that the overall effect on public relations was decidedly mixed.
More ingenious tactics were soon put in play. On 25 October 1974, a flock of 60 sheep were transported to Paris and set to grazing on the Champ de Mars, right under the Eiffel Tower. To inquiring gendarmes, the shepherds explained that it was publicity for Roquefort cheese.
Earlier, a protest march on Paris had been triggered by the signature of the decree of expropriation in the public interest, on 26 December 1972. The march began on the following 7 January, with stops at Rodez, Saint-Flour, Clermont-Ferrand, Nevers and Orléans. At each stop, marchers were welcomed and lodged by local committees. Meetings, rallies, and press conferences were organised.
Police and local authorities were much less welcoming. The marchers were harassed at every stop-over. Finally, at Orléans, the procession was blocked by the CRS (French riot police) and their 26 tractors impounded. Bernard Lambert, leader of the Mouvement des Paysans Travailleurs (Working Peasant Movement), promptly arranged for the loan of 26 tractors belonging to farmers in the Orléans area, the CRS were outflanked, and the march proceeded to Paris.
A second Paris march began on 2 December 1978. 18 Larzac farmers walked 710 km in 25 stages. The CRS blocked the centre of Paris, but 40,000 supporters rallied on the outskirts, making the largest demonstration of the year.
The final Paris action began on 27 November 1980, at the height of the presidential campaigns of François Mitterrand and Valéry Giscard d'Estaing. Mitterrand, notwithstanding his treatment at the hands of militants at Rajal del Guorp in 1974, had taken a position against the base extension. Giscard was in favour of it. The action consisted of an encampment, in bitterly cold weather, on the Champ de Mars complete with farm animals, bales of straw, a radio station and a media information bureau. The demonstrators were forcibly removed after a few days, but the point had been made.
As early as 1972, the communard, philosopher and theorist of non-violence Lanza del Vasto had taken an interest in the plight of the Larzac shepherds and farmers. Del Vasto's commune, the Community of the Ark, was nearby on the plateau de l'Escandorgue. He and his followers were skilled at civil disobedience action, veterans of hunger strikes against the use of torture during the Algerian war, and against nuclear weapons.
On 19 March Lanza del Vasto began a 15-day hunger strike at La Cavalerie. He was joined by four local residents: Etienne Paloc, Pierre Bastide, and Pierre & Christiane Burguière. Mme Burguière recalled the impact it had on them. In 2011 she told film-maker Christian Rouaud "it was amazing, in a moral sense. When we came back, I felt I was no longer the same. Yes. Something had happened."
Civil disobedience was also partly the motive of the decision to rebuild the ruined stone sheep shelter (bergerie) at La Blaquière. The property belonged to activist Auguste Guiraud, and was due for expropriation under the terms of the decree. On 10 June 1973 re-construction began in defiance of the expropriation order and the fact that planning permission had not been granted. Hundreds of supporters came to join the effort, notably the hippie contingent who had to learn the art and craft of masonry very quickly, and, it must be said, with somewhat random results. Pierre Bonnefous recalled:
To say that the influx of hippies shocked the locals is an understatement. Marizette Tarlier recalled that it was the first time she'd seen bare-breasted women in public. The eight months of construction were marked by constant argument and conflict, but the bergerie was finished in February 1974 and stands to this day as a kind of monument to the joint effort.
Another tactic that was used with success was to sell very small parcels of land to many sympathisers, with the aim of making the eventual expropriation as difficult as possible for the bureaucracy. Between 1973 and 1981, 6,180 tiny plots were allocated to 3,500 different people , and to make the act of expropriation even more difficult, many of these "landowners" lived abroad.
In 1976, the fight escalated after soldiers blew up Auguste Guiraud's house in La Blaquière during the night. Miraculously, Guiraud and his seven children were unharmed. On 22 June, a group of 22 activists entered the Larzac military base and destroyed 500 documents containing details of the expropriation. They were arrested and arraigned in Millau the next day. They were sentenced to prison terms varying from three to six months, but in fact none actually served more than three weeks .
On 21 October 1977, a series of trials of Larzac activists took place in Millau. A smörgåsbord of charges included disobedience of authority, removal of army property, blocking traffic, etc. The hearings were much disrupted by the deliberate release of a flock of sheep in the courtroom.
To run the campaign in orderly fashion, an executive committee was formed and put in charge. Once general assemblies became more frequent, regional committees (Larzac-East, West, North, South and La Cavalerie) were formed. A firm rule, never broken over the ten years of the campaign, was that only actual residents of the Larzac had voting power in the general assemblies. Decisions were normally made by general consensus, with the exception of decisions pertaining to negotiations with the government in 1977. These were by democratic vote. Meetings were held at least weekly for the entire ten years of the campaign.
The organisers were in frequent contact with other civil disobedience actions elsewhere in France, as well as the anti-nuclear movement. Another bergerie was built at the site of the proposed nuclear power station at Plogoff, and the Larzac contributed 20 ewes to the action. In all, some 150 committees were formed to encourage and support various political actions, not just in France but in other European countries. 28 October 1978 saw a national day of action organised by the Larzac committees. Marches, meetings, and hunger strikes were attended by tens of thousands of sympathisers. Jean-Paul Sartre sent a letter of support, including these words:
In 1975 the movement started its own newspaper, Gardarem lo Larzac. The first edition was published on 6 June and the journal eventually had 4,000 subscribers.
In February 1979, local referenda were organised in the surrounding communities of Millau, Creissels, and La Couvertoirade (a medieval city of the Knights Templar.) 88 to 95% of the electorate voted NO to the extension of the military base.
In May 1980, the Cour de Cassation, France's appeal court of last resort, annulled the 66 ongoing expropriation processes. Once François Mitterrand was duly elected President on 10 May, he declared the base extension project formally abandoned in the Council of Ministers. Property already acquired by the State for the project was leased back to the private company Terres du Larzac (Larzac Soils). Victory was complete, but Lanza del Vasto did not live to see it. He had died on 5 January, at the age of 79.
17-07-2018 22:04
The Fight for the Larzac refers to a non-violent civil disobedience action by farmers resisting the extension of an existing military base on the Larzac plateau in South Western France. The action lasted from 1971 to 1981, and ended in victory for the resistance movement when the newly elected President François Mitterrand formally abandoned the project.
The base, used for training French soldiers, was originally established in 1902 on 3,000 hectares (7,400 acres; 12 sq mi) of uncultivated heathland. Michel Debré, Minister of Defence in the Georges Pompidou administration, announced that the base would be extended to 13,700 hectares (34,000 acres; 53 sq mi) and that the necessary land would be expropriated in the public interest.
An initial informal resistance movement was formed by 103 landowners whose land was subject to expropriation. In 1973 their cause was taken up by a much larger group of heterogeneous activists, predominantly left wing, and numbering up to 100,000. This activist group descended on the Larzac in support of the peasant landowners and extended the protest to a more general action against what they saw as the militarism of the Pompidou government.
This action, once it had achieved its focal aims on the Larzac, was the core of what then became the Anti-Globalism movement, and also served to bring to public attention leaders such as Lanza del Vasto, José Bové, and the late Guy Tarlier.
On 11 October 1970, during a session of the Union des démocrates pour la république (UDR) (Union of democrats for the Republic), André Fanton, secretary of state for defence, gave the first hint that the base would need to be extended. Le Monde of 6 March 1971 quoted Deputy Delmas, then campaigning for election to UDR, as saying "The extension of the military base is doubtless the last chance for survival of the town of Millau." Millau (IPA: [mijo],) at the Northern edge of the Larzac plateau, is today world-famous for its spectacular viaduct over the river Tarn. In 1971 it was chiefly known to French families for its sheepskin glove industry in decline and its infuriating traffic jams. Popular resistance to the proposal for the military base was immediately evident. On 28 October 1971, Defence Minister Michel Debré made the formal announcement in a televised interview. The base was to be extended from 3,000 to 17,000 hectares (30 to 170 square kilometers). Land would be expropriated from 107 farms in 12 communes centred on the small town of La Cavalerie. The extended base would form one sixth of the total area (100,000 hectares) of the Larzac itself. In subsequent commentary, Debré pointed out that the project would be "not only vital to the national defence", but would have "a positive impact" on the region. He cited improvement of the rural electrical distribution system, water supply, and roadways. He stated that the extension was necessitated by saturation of French military bases in general, and the need to maintain a military force in proximity to the Plateau d'Albion, launch site of ground-ground ballistic nuclear missiles which formed an important element of the French nuclear deterrent .
It was argued by the authorities that the Larzac plateau was very thinly populated, having been substantially depopulated by the so-called "rural exodus", losing two thirds of its population between 1866 and 1968, although since 1968 population had begun to increase due to the "neo-rural" movement. Sheep herders and producers of Roquefort cheese, the most famous product of the region, denied that the project would be a net boost for employment because, as a training camp, it would attract only temporary inhabitants. They were also sceptical of the promised economic benefits. André Fanton made his attitude clear in a public speech:
Whether we like it or not, the potential agricultural riches of the Larzac are extremely weak. So I think it was logical to consider that the extension would cause only minimum inconvenience... It is true that there are a few peasants ... who desultorily raise a few sheep, while living the life of the Middle Ages. It is necessary to take their land.
Left to right, Jean-Marie Muller, Lanza del Vasto, Jacques de Bollardière on the Larzac during the struggle against the military camp extension.
There was sufficient unanimity, at any rate, for 103 of the 107 people potentially threatened with expropriation to sign a formal contract on 28 March 1972. The contract expressed solidarity and declared that not a single farmer would be dispossessed against his will. This was the "Oath of the 103."
A further demonstration took place the following 14 July, the national holiday, in Rodez. 20,000 people and 70 tractors participated. The slogan Gardarem lo Larzac began to appear all across the region. It means, loosely, "The Larzac is ours", and significantly it's written in Occitan, the ancient language of Languedoc which is not used commercially but is cherished by a militant minority.
Suddenly, the defiant peasant resistance to militarism became a flagrant political cause célèbre. Left-wingers of all types took up the cause. Socialists, Communists, and Trade Union militants appeared in Millau and in the villages of the Larzac noisily adding their support to a movement that had originally been declared apolitical. To these were added Occitanian Nationalists, protesting what they saw as cultural genocide by a colonial power. Further complicating the situation, a rag-tag assortment of hippies and drop-outs attached themselves to the resistance movement, together with protesters whose motives seemed very remote from the interests of sheep husbandry - pro-choice feminists, for example. Writing in Le Monde (25 August 1973), Michel Castaing described the Larzac as "The shop window of protest".
This phase of the protest movement culminated in the first mass rally, on 25/26 August 1973, at Rajal del Guorp (the name means 'Crow Springs' in occitan,) a natural dolomitic amphitheatre northwest of La Cavalerie. The location is inside the perimeter of the existing military base, and so holding the rally there was an act of defiance in itself. Between 60,000 and 100,000 people (the latter figure claimed by the organisers) assembled to show their support, in a remote site entirely devoid of facilities for refreshment and hygiene. The event attracted worldwide attention—speakers at the rally included representatives of revolutionary movements in Chile, Italy, and Greece. Two members of the Irish Republican Army expressed their solidarity with the peasants of the Larzac, and declared support for resistance "by whatever means are necessary." Police surveillance at this rally was minimal, with a single Gendarmerie helicopter overhead.
A second mass rally at Rajal del Guorp took place a year later, 17/18 August 1974. This time the organisers claimed even more than 100,000 protesters. François Mitterrand made an appearance, and was pelted with pebbles by militant Maoists.
Since they happened in mid-summer, at the height of the tourist season, these and other gatherings inevitably had something of the atmosphere of festivals, regardless of the seriousness of their intent. Musical instruments and topless young women were much in evidence, and commemorative T-shirts quickly appeared in local markets. A few concerts were organised, such as that by Graeme Allwright in 1973. Allwright later wrote a song entitled Larzac 1975. Even José Bové referred to those rallies with some pride as "the French Woodstock", but he also recognised that the overall effect on public relations was decidedly mixed.
More ingenious tactics were soon put in play. On 25 October 1974, a flock of 60 sheep were transported to Paris and set to grazing on the Champ de Mars, right under the Eiffel Tower. To inquiring gendarmes, the shepherds explained that it was publicity for Roquefort cheese.
Earlier, a protest march on Paris had been triggered by the signature of the decree of expropriation in the public interest, on 26 December 1972. The march began on the following 7 January, with stops at Rodez, Saint-Flour, Clermont-Ferrand, Nevers and Orléans. At each stop, marchers were welcomed and lodged by local committees. Meetings, rallies, and press conferences were organised.
Police and local authorities were much less welcoming. The marchers were harassed at every stop-over. Finally, at Orléans, the procession was blocked by the CRS (French riot police) and their 26 tractors impounded. Bernard Lambert, leader of the Mouvement des Paysans Travailleurs (Working Peasant Movement), promptly arranged for the loan of 26 tractors belonging to farmers in the Orléans area, the CRS were outflanked, and the march proceeded to Paris.
A second Paris march began on 2 December 1978. 18 Larzac farmers walked 710 km in 25 stages. The CRS blocked the centre of Paris, but 40,000 supporters rallied on the outskirts, making the largest demonstration of the year.
The final Paris action began on 27 November 1980, at the height of the presidential campaigns of François Mitterrand and Valéry Giscard d'Estaing. Mitterrand, notwithstanding his treatment at the hands of militants at Rajal del Guorp in 1974, had taken a position against the base extension. Giscard was in favour of it. The action consisted of an encampment, in bitterly cold weather, on the Champ de Mars complete with farm animals, bales of straw, a radio station and a media information bureau. The demonstrators were forcibly removed after a few days, but the point had been made.
Lanza del Vasto and his wife Chanterelle during his hunger strike.
On 19 March Lanza del Vasto began a 15-day hunger strike at La Cavalerie. He was joined by four local residents: Etienne Paloc, Pierre Bastide, and Pierre & Christiane Burguière. Mme Burguière recalled the impact it had on them. In 2011 she told film-maker Christian Rouaud "it was amazing, in a moral sense. When we came back, I felt I was no longer the same. Yes. Something had happened."
Civil disobedience was also partly the motive of the decision to rebuild the ruined stone sheep shelter (bergerie) at La Blaquière. The property belonged to activist Auguste Guiraud, and was due for expropriation under the terms of the decree. On 10 June 1973 re-construction began in defiance of the expropriation order and the fact that planning permission had not been granted. Hundreds of supporters came to join the effort, notably the hippie contingent who had to learn the art and craft of masonry very quickly, and, it must be said, with somewhat random results. Pierre Bonnefous recalled:
"There was a mason in charge, and he was told 'Try and explain what needs to be done, and these guys can haul stone, make cement.' But the mason said 'When I see these guys incapable of holding a wheelbarrow upright with cement or stone in it, forget it, we're not going to make it.' So it was Utopian from the start."
To say that the influx of hippies shocked the locals is an understatement. Marizette Tarlier recalled that it was the first time she'd seen bare-breasted women in public. The eight months of construction were marked by constant argument and conflict, but the bergerie was finished in February 1974 and stands to this day as a kind of monument to the joint effort.
French military police (CRS)
In 1976, the fight escalated after soldiers blew up Auguste Guiraud's house in La Blaquière during the night. Miraculously, Guiraud and his seven children were unharmed. On 22 June, a group of 22 activists entered the Larzac military base and destroyed 500 documents containing details of the expropriation. They were arrested and arraigned in Millau the next day. They were sentenced to prison terms varying from three to six months, but in fact none actually served more than three weeks .
On 21 October 1977, a series of trials of Larzac activists took place in Millau. A smörgåsbord of charges included disobedience of authority, removal of army property, blocking traffic, etc. The hearings were much disrupted by the deliberate release of a flock of sheep in the courtroom.
To run the campaign in orderly fashion, an executive committee was formed and put in charge. Once general assemblies became more frequent, regional committees (Larzac-East, West, North, South and La Cavalerie) were formed. A firm rule, never broken over the ten years of the campaign, was that only actual residents of the Larzac had voting power in the general assemblies. Decisions were normally made by general consensus, with the exception of decisions pertaining to negotiations with the government in 1977. These were by democratic vote. Meetings were held at least weekly for the entire ten years of the campaign.
The organisers were in frequent contact with other civil disobedience actions elsewhere in France, as well as the anti-nuclear movement. Another bergerie was built at the site of the proposed nuclear power station at Plogoff, and the Larzac contributed 20 ewes to the action. In all, some 150 committees were formed to encourage and support various political actions, not just in France but in other European countries. 28 October 1978 saw a national day of action organised by the Larzac committees. Marches, meetings, and hunger strikes were attended by tens of thousands of sympathisers. Jean-Paul Sartre sent a letter of support, including these words:
"Greetings, peasants of the Larzac. I salute your fight for justice, liberty and peace, surely the most beautiful fight of this 20th century."
— Jean-Paul Sartre
(Je vous salue paysans du Larzac et je salue votre lutte pour la justice, la liberté et pour la paix, la plus belle lutte de notre vingtième siècle.)
— Jean-Paul Sartre
(Je vous salue paysans du Larzac et je salue votre lutte pour la justice, la liberté et pour la paix, la plus belle lutte de notre vingtième siècle.)
In 1975 the movement started its own newspaper, Gardarem lo Larzac. The first edition was published on 6 June and the journal eventually had 4,000 subscribers.
In February 1979, local referenda were organised in the surrounding communities of Millau, Creissels, and La Couvertoirade (a medieval city of the Knights Templar.) 88 to 95% of the electorate voted NO to the extension of the military base.
In May 1980, the Cour de Cassation, France's appeal court of last resort, annulled the 66 ongoing expropriation processes. Once François Mitterrand was duly elected President on 10 May, he declared the base extension project formally abandoned in the Council of Ministers. Property already acquired by the State for the project was leased back to the private company Terres du Larzac (Larzac Soils). Victory was complete, but Lanza del Vasto did not live to see it. He had died on 5 January, at the age of 79.
LARZAC SONG
My son, don't keep staying here,
My son, the man who come is the enemy.
My son, he bears a rifle on his shoulder,
My son, don't keep staying here.
I won't! My father, I don't understand you,
I too will be a soldier one day.
I want to play with that man,
Let me be, my father, don't worry.
My son, don't keep staying here,
My son, leave your sheep, they will die
My son, sharing your last steps,
My son, leave from here for a job.
I won't! My father, I don't understand you,
I like so much to be a shepherd
And I want to live in Larzac,
This is our land, you know it well.
My son, don't keep staying here,
My son, your mother's waiting for you to leave.
My son, we're all living in exile,
My son, the army want to kill your land.
I won't! Father, I don't understand you,
They said they were here to save us,
They said we all would profit from this,
They said they know, and that we don't.
My son, you know, already so long ago,
The army came to subject us
And as they saw they couldn't kill us,
My son, they want to start again.
Now, my father, I understand you well,
And so we must stay here.
We too will have to start again,
To follow our dream and move on.
My son, come with me
To tell your mother we are staying.
We must stay here, stay here,
We must stay here, stay here.
My son, don't keep staying here,
My son, the man who come is the enemy.
My son, he bears a rifle on his shoulder,
My son, don't keep staying here.
I won't! My father, I don't understand you,
I too will be a soldier one day.
I want to play with that man,
Let me be, my father, don't worry.
My son, don't keep staying here,
My son, leave your sheep, they will die
My son, sharing your last steps,
My son, leave from here for a job.
I won't! My father, I don't understand you,
I like so much to be a shepherd
And I want to live in Larzac,
This is our land, you know it well.
My son, don't keep staying here,
My son, your mother's waiting for you to leave.
My son, we're all living in exile,
My son, the army want to kill your land.
I won't! Father, I don't understand you,
They said they were here to save us,
They said we all would profit from this,
They said they know, and that we don't.
My son, you know, already so long ago,
The army came to subject us
And as they saw they couldn't kill us,
My son, they want to start again.
Now, my father, I understand you well,
And so we must stay here.
We too will have to start again,
To follow our dream and move on.
My son, come with me
To tell your mother we are staying.
We must stay here, stay here,
We must stay here, stay here.
Language: Breton
Troidigezh vrezhonek / Traduzione bretone / Breton translation / Traduction bretonne / Bretoninkielinen käännös: Richard Gwenndour
18-07-2018 10:55
Gwenn-ha-Du e Larzac, Eost 1973.
SON LARZAC
Ma mab, na chom ket amañ,
Ma mab, an den o tont 'zo an enebour,
Ma mab, gant ur fuzuilh war e skoaz,
Ma mab, na chom ket amañ.
Tadig, n'az komprenan ket!
Me ivez a vo soudard un devezh.
Da c'hoari e karfen gant an den-se,
Ro peoc'h din tadig, na vez ket droug.
Ma mab, na chom ket amañ,
Ma mab, dilez da dropell, eñ a varvo
O heuliañ da gammedoù diwezhañ,
Ma mab, evit ur vicher kae kuit ac'hann.
Tadig, n'az komprenan ket!
Gant bezañ mêsaer e plij din kalz,
Fellout a ra din bevañ e Larzac,
Deomp eo an douar, gouzout a ouzout mat.
Ma mab, na chom ket amañ,
Ma mab, da vamm emañ o c'hortoz da vont kuit,
Ma mab, ni 'zo holl en harlu,
Ma mab, an arme a lazho hor bro.
Tadig, n'az komprenan ket!
Lâret o deus e teuent d'hon harpañ,
Lâret o deus e tennjemp splet holl anezhañ,
Lâret o deus ec'h ouzont, n'ouzomp ket ni.
Ma mab, gwall bell zo dija
E teuas an arme d'hor trevadenniñ,
Peogwir, pa welont n'o deus ket lazhet ac'hanomp,
Ma mab, fellout a ra dezho adkregiñ bremañ.
Tadig, bremañ e komprenan mat!
Met ret eo chom amañ neuze.
Ret eo deomp adkregiñ, deomp ivez,
Heuliañ an hunvre ha fiñval.
Ma mab, deu ganin bremañ
Da lâret d'az vamm e chomomp.
Ret eo chom, ret eo chom,
Ret eo chom, ret eo chom.
Ma mab, na chom ket amañ,
Ma mab, an den o tont 'zo an enebour,
Ma mab, gant ur fuzuilh war e skoaz,
Ma mab, na chom ket amañ.
Tadig, n'az komprenan ket!
Me ivez a vo soudard un devezh.
Da c'hoari e karfen gant an den-se,
Ro peoc'h din tadig, na vez ket droug.
Ma mab, na chom ket amañ,
Ma mab, dilez da dropell, eñ a varvo
O heuliañ da gammedoù diwezhañ,
Ma mab, evit ur vicher kae kuit ac'hann.
Tadig, n'az komprenan ket!
Gant bezañ mêsaer e plij din kalz,
Fellout a ra din bevañ e Larzac,
Deomp eo an douar, gouzout a ouzout mat.
Ma mab, na chom ket amañ,
Ma mab, da vamm emañ o c'hortoz da vont kuit,
Ma mab, ni 'zo holl en harlu,
Ma mab, an arme a lazho hor bro.
Tadig, n'az komprenan ket!
Lâret o deus e teuent d'hon harpañ,
Lâret o deus e tennjemp splet holl anezhañ,
Lâret o deus ec'h ouzont, n'ouzomp ket ni.
Ma mab, gwall bell zo dija
E teuas an arme d'hor trevadenniñ,
Peogwir, pa welont n'o deus ket lazhet ac'hanomp,
Ma mab, fellout a ra dezho adkregiñ bremañ.
Tadig, bremañ e komprenan mat!
Met ret eo chom amañ neuze.
Ret eo deomp adkregiñ, deomp ivez,
Heuliañ an hunvre ha fiñval.
Ma mab, deu ganin bremañ
Da lâret d'az vamm e chomomp.
Ret eo chom, ret eo chom,
Ret eo chom, ret eo chom.
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Note for non-Italian users: Sorry, though the interface of this website is translated into English, most commentaries and biographies are in Italian and/or in other languages like French, German, Spanish, Russian etc.
Paraulas e música: Patric
Lyrics and music: Patric
Testo e musica: Patric
Paroles et musique: Patric
Okitaniankieliset sanat ja musiikki: Patric
Album: Patric
La lutte du Larzac est un mouvement de désobéissance civile non-violente contre l'extension d'un camp militaire sur le causse du Larzac qui dura une décennie, de 1971 à 1981, et qui se solda par l'abandon du projet sur décision de François Mitterrand, nouvellement élu Président de la République.
L'opposition s'est d'abord organisée autour de 103 paysans locaux qui se sont soulevés contre l'expropriation de leurs terres à la suite du projet du ministre de la Défense, Michel Debré (UDR), sous la présidence Pompidou, d'agrandir le camp militaire du Larzac de 3 000 à 17 000 hectares, ce qui aurait concerné une douzaine de communes. En 1973, cinq ans après mai 1968, entre 60 000 et 100 000 personnes de différents courants convergèrent vers le Larzac pour soutenir les paysans et former un mouvement hétéroclite qui livrera une « guerre d'usure » aux pouvoirs publics. Les rassemblements et le réseautage national résultant de la convergence des luttes au Larzac seront le terreau de ce qui sera plus tard connu comme le mouvement altermondialiste français. La revue Gardarèm lo Larzac (« Nous garderons le Larzac » en occitan rouergat), qui paraît régulièrement depuis 1975, en est un symbole. Le mouvement a aussi contribué à populariser des figures de proue comme Lanza del Vasto, fondateur des Communautés de l'Arche et fortement inspiré par la spiritualité chrétienne, ou Guy Tarlier et, a posteriori, José Bové.
Le 28 octobre 1971, Michel Debré, ministre de la défense nationale à ce poste depuis le début de la présidence Pompidou en 1969, annonce formellement dans un entretien télévisé l'agrandissement du camp du Larzac, portant sa superficie de 3 000 à 17 000 hectares (de 30 à 170 km2), concernant douze communes aux alentours de La Cavalerie et nécessitant l'expropriation partielle ou totale de leur terres des familles d'agriculteurs. 17 000 hectares représentent plus d'un sixième des 100 000 hectares de la totalité des Causses du Larzac. Son argumentation dans les mois suivants présentera une « extension modérée » qui sera « non seulement très utile à la défense nationale[…] » mais apportera à la région du Larzac un « apport économique positif » comme l'amélioration de l'électrification rurale, de l'adduction d'eau et de la voirie. L'extension du camp d'entraînement militaire, qui existe depuis 1902, est justifiée par la saturation des capacités d'accueil des camps militaires ainsi que par la volonté de disposer d'une force militaire proche du plateau d'Albion, lieu du site de lancement de missiles nucléaires sol-sol balistiques de la force de dissuasion nucléaire française.
— André Fanton, secrétaire d'État à la Défense.
Les autorités sont d'autant plus motivées à procéder à cette extension à cet endroit que le Larzac était un pays très peu peuplé : il a été durement touché par l'exode rural et a perdu les deux tiers de sa population entre 1866 et 1968. Les autorités affirment qu'il n'y a que 23 exploitations peu rentables qui devront être totalement expropriées et que leurs propriétaires seront relogés et indemnisés. Les paysans concernés arguent que les données des autorités sont datées et qu'elles ne prennent pas en compte l'arrivée des « néo-ruraux » qui, depuis 1965, rénovent des fermes laissées quasiment à l'abandon, en en améliorant le rendement. En outre, la méthode de comptage ne concernent que les propriétés totalement expropriées, sans compter celles où on laisse un lieu de vie pour les habitants en expropriant leur terrain de travail, ce qui concernerait en tout entre cinquante et soixante exploitations.
De fait, en 1971 environ 90 000 moutons étaient en pâturage sur le plateau ; un cinquième du cheptel, près de la moitié de la production de lait concernant 108 paysans étaient menacés par le projet d'extension. En outre, les éleveurs de brebis et producteurs de roquefort, attachés à leur ruralité, contestent que l'agrandissement du camp soit créateur d'emplois parce qu'« il s'agit que d'un camp d'entraînement où les unités ne feront que passer » et doutent de quelconques retombées positives.
La première manifestation d'envergure a lieu le 6 novembre 1971 à Millau où 6000 personnes se rendent à l'appel des fédérations départementales des syndicats d'exploitants agricoles (FDSEA).
Au départ la lutte, quoique très locale, était déjà très diverse. Outre les paysans implantés depuis des générations et à qui « on va prendre la terre de leurs parents, de leurs grands-parents », se trouvaient là les nouveaux exploitants agricoles, plus jeunes, parfois très endettés au Crédit agricole depuis leur projet d'installation. Bien que les désaccords entre eux soient nombreux, beaucoup sont membres de la Jeunesse agricole catholique (JAC) devenu Mouvement rural de jeunesse chrétienne ou/et de la FDSEA. Léon Maillé, 25 ans à l'époque, raconte : « j'étais un paysan ordinaire : je votais à droite, j'allais à la messe, j'étais un indigène, pure souche ! »13. Les institutions catholiques locales deviendront un soutien qui rassemblera les gens : le 7 novembre 1971, l'évêque de Rodez prend position contre l'extension du camp.
Malgré les divergences, 103 paysans, sur 108 concernés, signent un accord entre eux, le 28 mars 1972, selon lequel ils resteront solidaires dans leur lutte et que « pas un agriculteur ne sera chassé contre son gré… ». C'est le « serment des 103 » appelé aussi « pacte des 103 ». Pour la fête nationale, le 14 juillet 1972, 20000 personnes et 70 tracteurs manifestent à Rodez.
Le seul parti représenté est le Parti socialiste unifié (PSU), lui aussi membre de la deuxième gauche, ainsi que quelques représentants de la Ligue communiste, trotskyste. Des nationalistes occitans sont également présents pour protester contre un « génocide culturel de l'Occitanie par le colonialisme intérieur ». L'Association de sauvegarde du Larzac et de son environnement, créée en 1971 et présidée par l'instituteur de Nant à la retraite, Henri Ramade, revendique toutefois son caractère «apolitique».
Ensuite, « les chevelus, marginaux et hippies de tout poil », éloignés des partis et syndicats, vinrent grossir les rangs de la protestation. La présence de Mouvement pour le Désarmement, la Paix, la Liberté (MDPL), qui prônait l'amour libre, et de nombreuses femmes seins nus, conduisit à un choc culturel important avec les paysans, chrétiens pratiquants d'alors.
Le Larzac s'est ainsi inscrit dans la révolution sexuelle en France puisque de nombreuses féministes (dont le Mouvement pour la liberté de l'avortement et de la contraception — MLAC — qui effectue un tour de France en caravane et arrive sur le plateau le 16 août 1974) prirent part à la résistance. Ceci conduisit à certaines critiques : ainsi, Michel Castaing, titra dans Le Monde du 25 août 1973 : « Le Larzac, vitrine de la contestation ».
Ce ralliement de personnes de sensibilités différentes fut à son comble pour un rassemblement le 25 et 26 août 1973 au lieu-dit Rajal del Guorp (« Source du Corbeau » en rouergat), un cirque naturel dolomitique au nord-ouest de La Cavalerie, et la marche sur le Larzac organisée par les Paysans-travailleurs. Entre 60000 et 100000 personnes (cette dernière estimation selon les organisateurs) venant d'un peu partout en France et en Europe convergèrent pour la première fois vers le Larzac. Outre la présence de nombreux orateurs, on remarquait celle de représentants des luttes révolutionnaires au Chili et en Grèce, le premier encore gouverné pour quelques jours par Salvador Allende et le second étouffant sous la chape de plomb de la dictature des colonels (1967-74), ainsi que d'Italie, alors plongée dans les années de plomb. Enfin, deux représentants de l'Armée républicaine irlandaise (IRA) proclament leur solidarité, « quels que soient les moyens choisis », avec les paysans du Larzac. Un militant réunionnais s'en prend à la politique française dans les départements et territoires d'outre-mer. Lors de cette manifestation, la présence policière était minimale, avec seulement un hélicoptère de la gendarmerie survolant le rassemblement.
— Michel Le Bris, auteur de Les Fous du Larzac (1975)
Un an plus tard, le 17 et 18 août 1974, encore plus de monde se mobilise pour la seconde édition du Rajal del Guorp : plus de 100000 personnes (selon les organisateurs) se rendent sur le plateau pour une fête des moissons intitulée « Moisson Tiers-monde ». Lors de cette manifestation, le premier secrétaire du PS, François Mitterrand, se fait « caillasser » par des militants maoïstes (et des agents provocateurs en civil8) qui contestaient sa présence.
Le 13 et 14 août 1977 se déroula un nouveau rassemblement d’environ 50000 personnes (selon les organisateurs) au Rajal del Guorp, suivi d'un défilé d’une centaine de tracteurs sur lesquels prennent place des appelés du contingent, cagoulés et en uniforme (comités de soldats).
Ayant lieu en été, ces grands rassemblements non-violents prenaient des allures de festivals, même si l'accent était davantage à la protestation qu'à la fête. Il y eût quelques concerts ou bœufs comme ceux de Graeme Allwright en 1973, qui créa plus tard une chanson intitulée « Larzac 1975 ». De par leur ampleur, ces rassemblements ont eu un impact important dans les contre-cultures des années 1970 en France et en Europe. José Bové parlera de « Woodstock français ».
Le 25 octobre 1972, un troupeau de soixante brebis est conduit par des paysans du Larzac sur les pelouses du Champ-de-Mars à Paris, prétextant aux gendarmes mobiles qui les interrogent un tournage publicitaire pour le roquefort.
À la suite de la signature du décret déclarant d'utilité publique 13500 hectares du causse du Larzac par le préfet de l'Aveyron, Georges Badault, le 26 décembre 1972, le collectif décide de monter vers Paris. La marche débute le 7 janvier 1973 et fait halte à Rodez, Saint-Flour, Clermont-Ferrand, Nevers et Orléans pour rencontrer les comités d'accueil, tenir des meetings et des conférences de presse afin d'éviter l'expulsion. La marche rencontre des difficultés à cause d'interdictions de manifester décrétées dans chaque ville du parcours. Au départ équipés de 26 tracteurs, ils seront bloqués, après une semaine de marche, à Orléans par les CRS. Alors que la FDSEA en la personne de Raymond Lacombe (président de la section aveyronnaise) voulait renoncer devant la mise en demeure policière, Bernard Lambert, un ancien député MRP, qui incarne le courant Paysans-Travailleurs proche du PSU, va trouver de nouveaux tracteurs prêtés par des paysans des environs d'Orléans afin que la marche des « 26 du Larzac » puisse arriver à son terme, à Paris.
Une nouvelle marche est organisée le 2 décembre 1978 où 18 paysans ont marché 710 km en 25 étapes depuis le Larzac. Ils furent soutenus tout le long du trajet par des paysans de la FDSEA et des riverains qui les hébergent. À leur arrivée, 40000 personnes défilent aux portes de Paris, le centre-ville étant bloqué par les CRS : ce sera la plus grande manifestation de l’année. Un succès malgré la présence de provocateurs en civil. Surtout, les paysans, accompagnés du jeune député PS de Paris, Paul Quilès, obtiennent de leur entretien avec le candidat à la présidentielle Mitterrand la promesse de « ne pas les oublier » qui se révélera décisive pour la conclusion de leur lutte.
Le 27 novembre 1980, 74 membres de plusieurs familles du Larzac montés pour une action sous la tour Eiffel, campent sur le Champ-de-Mars. Expulsés au bout de cinq jours, ils continuent leur séjour sur une péniche prêtée par la commune de Conflans-Sainte-Honorine jumelée avec Costeraste (un lieu-dit où se trouve une ferme sur le Larzac). Cette campagne de jumelage a débuté en 1979 : ainsi 14 municipalités de l’Hexagone sont jumelées avec des fermes du plateau.
La bergerie du lieu-dit La Blaquière (commune de Millau) a aussi fait date dans l'histoire du Larzac. L'éleveur de brebis Auguste Guiraud avait une bergerie de pierre en ruine sur sa propriété dont il devait être expropriée lui et sa famille. Il décide d'en construire une nouvelle avec l'Association pour la promotion de l'agriculture sur le Larzac (APAL) pour pérenniser son élevage et réaliser un coup médiatique. Ils posent la première pierre le 10 juin 1973 et construisent la bergerie conformément au plan d'occupation des sols en vigueur mais sans permis de construire officiel. De nombreux bénévoles viennent prêter main-forte à la famille, et l'APAL décide de donner à certains cinq francs la journée comme salaire. Malgré de nombreux conflits entre les travailleurs et les éleveurs, la construction de la bergerie est finalement terminée le 3 février 1974 et inaugurée le 16 février.
Pour changer l'image d'un « Larzac peuplé de quelques vieux paysans », une école est ouverte sur le plateau le 4 octobre 1973. Les écoliers locaux, qui devaient auparavant se rendre à Millau, y ont été scolarisés.
Durant tout le conflit, de nombreux militants et sympathisants achètent – sous formes de parts non rémunérées – de petites parcelles des terres visées par les expropriations. De 1973 à 1981, 3500 militants se sont approprié 6180 parts. Il s'agissait de compliquer le processus d'expropriation par le fait que chaque propriétaire devait légalement signer pour rendre celle-ci effective, et certains de ces propriétaires habitaient à l'étranger.
Le 21 octobre 1977, de nombreux procès ont lieu à Millau contre les paysans du Larzac pour insoumission, renvoi de livrets militaires, entrave à la circulation, etc. Au cours du procès, une troupe de brebis est introduit dans le tribunal.
De septembre à décembre 1978, la préfecture signe les arrêtés d’expropriation des terrains de 14 communes. En riposte 150 tracteurs agricoles et 5000 personnes vont labourer les terrains de l’armée.
En mai 1980, l’action de renvoi des papiers militaires commencée en 1972 continue et 1030 livrets militaires sont déposés à Strasbourg à la présidence du Parlement européen ; 3000 citoyens feront de même. Une nouvelle enquête parcellaire est ouverte en octobre 1980.
Le collectif a, tout au long de sa lutte, créé des liens avec d'autres actions de désobéissance civile en France sur le thème « Des Larzac partout ! ». En 1972 et 1973, des actions symboliques sont menées pour les ouvriers en grève à Millau. Une autre lutte contemporaine du Larzac sont les LIP de Besançon et les deux mouvements d'opposition se soutiendront réciproquement. En l'été 1975, ils apportent aussi leur soutien en faveur des paludiers des marais salants de Guérande.
On compte 150 comités Larzac (coordinations locales de tous les mouvements militants qui relaient-diffusent les informations et organisent des manifestations locales) qui se créent en France et dans certaines villes européennes. Des porte-paroles de ces groupes viennent tous les mois sur le plateau pour une réunion. Le 28 octobre 1978 se tient la journée nationale d’action organisée par les Comités Larzac : défilés, meetings, grèves de la faim mobilisent des dizaines de milliers de sympathisants. Jean-Paul Sartre, deux ans avant sa mort, enverra une lettre pour exprimer son soutien :
— Jean-Paul Sartre.
Le 6 juin 1975 paraît le premier numéro du journal Gardarem lo Larzac. Il comptera bientôt 4000 abonnés et sera la gazette de la résistance.
Des référendums locaux seront organisés dans les communes environnantes (Millau, Creissels, La Couvertoirade) en février 1979. De 88 à 95 % des électeurs votent « non » à l’extension du camp.
Dans l'été 1979, des centaines de travailleurs bénévoles passent une partie de leurs vacances sur le plateau pour y remettre en état les infrastructures (téléphone, voies de communication, bâtiments).
En mai 1980, la cour de cassation annule les 66 procédures d’expropriation. François Mitterrand est élu président de la République française le 10 mai 1981 et déclare durant le Conseil des ministres que le projet d'extension du camp militaire du Larzac est abandonné (conformément à sa promesse faite aux paysans larzaciens le 2 décembre 1978 à Paris). Ensuite, pour certains des 450 propriétaires impliqués, tout change de nouveau. Certains remboursent l'État français et récupèrent leurs biens, d'autres, très peu, demandent que l'expropriation aille à son terme. Une logique de spéculation s'était d'ailleurs produite dans les années 1970, favorisée selon l'avocat Jean-Jacques de Félice, par des milieux de droite et d'extrême-droite : des responsables politiques avaient acheté des terrains sur le Larzac sachant qu'ils allaient être expropriés, en prévoyant que l'expropriation allait multiplier par 10 la valeur des terrains qu'ils avaient acheté à bas prix. Finalement, il restera un solde de 6300 hectares de terres et bâtiments acquis définitivement par l'État. Cette unité foncière à vocation agricole est alors un cas unique en France parce que d'un seul tenant. Les terres n'ont jamais cessé d'êtres exploitées durant la lutte que ce soit par les 103, ou par les agriculteurs squatteurs.
Dès l'abandon du projet d'extension, les paysans étudient un moyen juridique pour la gestion des 6300 hectares tout en favorisant les nouvelles installations agricoles au lieu de l'agrandissement usuel des fermes existantes. Il prend la forme d'une Commission intercantonale pour l'aménagement foncier du Larzac (CIAF) et d'une Commission Communale d'Aménagement Foncier (CCAF), créées en février 1982 dans chacune des douze communes. Ces commissions choisissent des candidats à l'agriculture portant des projets nécessitant une grande main-d'œuvre, dans le but d'accroître la population et d'amplifier la vie sociale. Elles permettent le dénombrement des terres disponibles, la répartition et leur classement agronomique. Le rythme de travail est d'une réunion tous les mois. 2800 hectares seront donnés à de nouvelles exploitations. Cela débouchera sur 22 exploitations nouvellement créées en plus du maintien des 103. Des échanges de terres entre paysans ont aussi lieu, créant des îlots cohérents autour des sièges d'exploitation existants avant la lutte. Durant environ 2 ans, la discussion reste collective avec toujours cet esprit de groupe.
Puis, après une réflexion commencée en décembre 1982, ce Larzac que Bernard Lambert, mort le 25 juin 1984, appelait le « laboratoire foncier " se concrétise véritablement le 3 janvier 1985 avec la création de la Société civile des Terres du Larzac (SCTL) dans un but de gestion des terres du Larzac par un organisme indépendant du pouvoir d’État.
Le conseil de gérance, composé de 11 membres, assume les charges, les impôts fonciers, lien avec la MSA, etc. Le 29 avril 1985, les 6300 hectares de terres et bâtiments sont confiés par l'État français à la SCTL par bail emphytéotique de 60 ans.
Depuis, la SCTL continue de gérer le territoire resté agricole du projet avorté d'extension du camp militaire du Larzac. Progressivement s'est posée la question de la reconduction du bail au terme des soixante années écoulées car les investissements sont lourds pour un nouvel installé dans l'agriculture et la génération de la Lutte voit sa retraite arriver. Le ministre de l'agriculture Stéphane Le Foll a signé le 17 juillet 2013, avec trois des gérants de la société civile des terres du Larzac, le prolongement du bail emphytéotique jusqu'en 2083. Cet événement a donné lieu à des heurts entre la gendarmerie et certains membres de la SCTL d'un côté et des personnes des comités Zad (Zone à défendre) aveyronnais qui souhaitaient que soit posée à cette occasion au ministre la question du projet d'aéroport de Notre-Dame-des-Landes, autre lieu de lutte symbolique. Cet événement symbolise pour certain la fracture entre l'ancienne génération de LA lutte (celle contre le camp militaire) et la nouvelle qui aspire à en mener d'autres. Quant au camp militaire du Larzac, créé en 1902, étendu sur 3000 hectares, la fermeture envisagée dans les années 2010 n'est pas décidée.
La teneur de la Loi Montagne a été inspirée par les luttes sociales en région de montagne, notamment la lutte du Larzac.
En septembre 1985, des paysans du Larzac offrent symboliquement des terres et une caselle à la communauté kanake représentée par Jean-Marie Tjibaou, leader du FLNKS.
Pour le 30e anniversaire de la mobilisation, en août 2003, est organisé au même endroit un forum social qui réunit plusieurs centaines de milliers de personnes.
Plusieurs paysans et personnalités du Larzac contribuent via la Confédération paysanne aux actions syndicales agricoles ou/et aux mouvements de désobéissance civile altermondialiste en France, comme le démontage du McDonald's de Millau, la lutte anti-OGM via Faucheurs volontaires ou, plus récemment, les controverses sur le gaz de schiste qui concernent le pays larzacien.
La lutte du Larzac est une référence historique pour de nombreux zadistes, notamment ceux de la ZAD à Notre-Dame-des-Landes qui disent s'en inspirer largement et sont soutenus par une partie des paysans et personnalités larzaciennes.